Brenda Tronson

Open AI announced the release of ChatGPT-4 in late 2022, billing it as a revolutionary next step in 'artificial intelligence'. Many people around the world got stuck into finding out what this new tool could do. So, what ethical issues arise for a lawyer using ChatGPT-4, or a similar tool?

Sangeetha Pillai

The Australian Constitution has a rather infamous track record when it comes to exclusion. Sometimes it excludes through silence. For example, since 1967 there has been no mention of First Nations peoples within its pages. It has very little to say about rights protection. It makes no reference to a national citizenship (but it does mention foreign citizens, if only to exclude them from Parliament).

Stephen McDonald SC

Much has been, and will continue to be, written about the substance of NZYQ v MICMA and its implications, both political and legal. This post focusses on some notable features of the judgment itself: in particular, the presentation of a single judgment joined in by all Judges, but which identifies individual positions taken by some of those Judges.

Anne Twomey

An arresting opening line is essential if one is to entice readers into an intimidating tome. The High Court’s judgment in Vanderstock v Victoria [2023] HCA 30 (Vanderstock) is certainly a tome, concluding at paragraph [951] and page 384. But the arresting line does not appear until paragraph [8]. Journalists would call this ‘burying the lede’.

In paragraph [8], the joint judgment of Kiefel CJ, Gageler and Gleeson JJ explained that the cases of Capital Duplicators Pty Ltd v Australian Capital Territory (1993) 178 CLR 561 (Capital Duplicators [No 2]) and Ha v New South Wales (1997) 189 CLR 465 (Ha) should not be re-opened. This was because, they said, ‘the Court could not justify now taking the momentous step of unsettling the resultant constitutional doctrine’ set out in these cases and because the current federal-state financial arrangements are ‘not to be judicially disturbed’.

Why that is such an arresting, or perhaps more accurately breathtaking, statement is that the judgment proceeds to do precisely what it said it could not justify doing: establishing a new ‘high constitutional purpose’ for s 90; establishing a new test for an excise; extending excise to taxes related to the ownership, hiring or usage of goods, or indeed anything that affects the demand for goods, thereby creating high levels of uncertainty about the validity of State taxes; and up-ending existing Commonwealth-State financial relations.

Guy Baldwin

The growth of structured proportionality in recent years has been a much remarked upon feature of global constitutionalism. Even supporters of proportionality describe how it ‘exhibits a viral quality, spreading relatively quickly from one jurisdiction to another’ – not, exactly, an image of careful adaptation. Originating in Germany, proportionality spread to Australian constitutional law in respect of the implied freedom of political communication in the case of McCloy in 2015, and in respect of s 92 in the case of Palmer in 2021 (after previously being considered in earlier cases). However, Gageler J and Gordon J have maintained principled opposition to the use of structured proportionality in these and other cases. Gageler J became Chief Justice of Australia on 6 November 2023. Does that change things?

In this blog, I consider the possible significance of the new Chief Justice to the proportionality debate, before explaining why I consider that proportionality should be abandoned in Australian constitutional law, and suggesting an alternative approach.

Joe McIntyre

What is a Court? What does a Court do? What are we left with when we strip away the theatre and ceremony, the grand buildings and reams of paper, the gladiatorial intellectual sparring, and careful deliberations? We are so focused on the processes and outputs of courts that we rarely stop to reflect on the fundamental purposes they serve, and the limits that these purposes impose on them.

The peccadillos of the Australian Constitution (the autochthonous expedient, structural implications, the US/UK hybrid etc) means that we have a particularly active jurisprudence on the nature, limits and implication of judicial power. In its latest contribution to this oeuvre, AZC20 v MICMSMA, the High Court grappled once more with the concept of ‘matter’ in the context of an appeal rendered moot by intervening events. In an 4-1 decision, the Court held that the Full Court of the Federal Court lacked jurisdiction to hear an appeal where events meant that there was no longer any active dispute.

Bharan Narula

Is a trial on indictment for an offence contrary to a law of a self-governing territory a ‘law of the Commonwealth’ for the purpose of s 80 of the Constitution? To the extent that R v Bernasconi (1915) (Bernasconi) has been understood to decide that the power in s 122 is not subject to the requirements of s 80, will a case likely need to involve a trial on indictment of an offence enacted by the Commonwealth Parliament under s 122 for a majority to decide whether Bernasconi should be distinguished or re-opened? These questions were considered in Vunilagi v The Queen [2023] HCA 24.

Janina Boughey

Among English-speaking common law jurisdictions Australia has been the most resistent to doctrines of deference in the administrative law context. It is often said that Australia’s High Court has rejected deference. In fact, a majority of the High Court has rejected Chevron deference, but only in obiter. Nevertheless, it is true that Australia has no ‘doctrine’ of deference, that Chevron deference specifically is generally thought to be inconsistent with the Australian conception of the separation of powers, and that the very mention of the word ‘deference’ seems to provoke the ire of some judges.

Brenda Tronson

In Australia, we can generally display our political opinions in public without fear of penalty, government persecution or violence. The High Court confirmed in the mid 1990s that our constitution contains an implied freedom of political communication, which is central to our representative democracy. The freedom is not absolute, and some regulation of protests is permitted.

But in 2022 and 2023, two Australian states (NSW and South Australia) passed laws which banned certain forms of protest. Do those laws go too far?

Jane Hall

Henry Palmerlee

This post first briefly summarises the case for a federal judicial commission, a proposal which has been mooted for decades but has only recently gathered broad support from the legal sector. It then argues that, to perform its role of maintaining public confidence in the judiciary, the commission should include lay-people as members. (In this post, the term ‘lay-person’ refers to someone disconnected from the three branches of government – for example, a legal practitioner, an eminent community figure, or simply a member of the public. The operative aspect of lay-personhood is that a person does not hold a role within the legislature, executive or judiciary, and has not held one in the past.) Finally, constitutional concerns regarding the inclusion of non-judicial members are addressed.

The post concludes that, while the inclusion of lay-members in a commission may raise unique constitutional concerns, these concerns are unlikely to pose an insurmountable obstacle so long as suitable qualification requirements are implemented for lay-members.

Jerry To

The recent judgment of the Federal Court of Australia in Smart Education Program Pty Ltd (in liq) v CLGC Australia Pty Ltd [2023] FCA 826 (Smart Education) has raised much consternation. At first glance, the case appears to be a run-of-the-mill contractual dispute. However, the source of controversy arises from an unexpected source, which concerned not the parties but the conduct of the judges themselves.

Smart Education prompts interesting questions about whether there is any scope in Australian public law to provide relief to the parties in circumstances of undue judicial delay. This article will focus on one such possibility: whether the High Court of Australia could have issued a writ of mandamus compelling the Federal Court to hand down its judgment in a timely manner. This, in turn, raises complex questions going to the very heart of the operation of the federal judiciary and the High Court’s ability to regulate their conduct.

Harry Sanderson

Many foundational principles of Australian public law arise from constitutional implications, to the extent that that within the Constitution ‘much of the greatest importance is implied’ (McGraw-Hinds (Aust) Pty Ltd v Smith at 668 (Murphy J)). In Zurich Insurance Company Ltd & Anor v Koper & Anor [2023] HCA 25 (Zurich), the High Court unanimously rejected an argument identifying a novel constitutional implication. The Court was divided, however, on the proper approach to drawing implications within the Constitution. That division maps onto longstanding debates regarding the proper approach to constitutional interpretation.

This post considers the different approach taken by each judgment on the point of implications in light of the dominant methodology of textualism, and questions the distinction between text and structure which informs their reasoning.

Lucas Lixinski

Luke Beck

Michael Douglas

Aaron Moss

On 22 May 2023, the Full Court of the Federal Court of Australia (Mortimer CJ, Moshinsky and Banks-Smith JJ) delivered judgment in Yunupingu on behalf of the Gumatj Clan or Estate Group v Commonwealth of Australia [2023] FCAFC 75 (Yunupingu), a decision regarding the intersection between native title and constitutional law.  

This post explores aspects of the Court's decision, and outlines their significance for public lawyers more generally.  

Craig Lenehan

Alex Deagon

In my new book, A Principled Framework for the Autonomy of Religious Communities: Reconciling Freedom and Discrimination (Hart Publishing, 2023), I give substantive content to calls for a principled approach to reconciling the sometimes-competing imperatives of religious freedom and equality, through applying theological virtues such as dignity, humility, patience, generosity, kindness, forgiveness and compassion to create a peaceful coexistence of difference. The purpose of my book is to deploy these theological virtues to reconcile the tensions between religious freedom and equality.

Fiona McDonald, Stephen Duckett and Emma Campbell

The recent Independent Review of Medicare Integrity and Compliance highlighted that ‘the current state of Medicare, and some of the challenges … are the result of previous attempts to apply discrete and band-aid solutions to single issues over time and a lack of system thinking and consideration’.

One of the issues in contemplating the reform of Medicare is the long-standing debate about whether there is a constitutional impediment to implementing major reforms. This post discusses the impact of the High Court’s evolving interpretation of the civil conscription sub-clause in s51(xxiiiA) of the Commonwealth Constitution, and the implications of that response for the current and future design of Medicare as reflected in the Health Insurance Act 1973 (Cth).